The dispute between the State of California and a group of Malibu residents regarding the restoration of the Malibu Lagoon is the latest land-use dispute in this city which occupies – apt word! – a coveted, 30-mile stretch of coastline in Los Angeles County. To the outward eye, the issue appears to center on the state's desire to restore a degraded wetlands area vs. the concerns of local surfers who are fretting about the fate of the legendary point break at Surfrider Beach.  Those surfers believe that the State Parks Department's restoration work , which involves draining polluted water and dredging sediment from a restored wetlands, might somehow ruin their surfing, even though the lagoon is separated from the ocean by an earthen dam.  In other words, to the uninformed eye, this case could easily be mistaken as the old canard of Malibu residents opposing any intrusion by "outsiders," such as state environmental agencies and other bandits.  \t Nothing could be further from the truth. In reality, the residents of Malibu are actually protecting us all from harm, God forbid. \t Never before has this been revealed publicly: Malibu residents base their actions on the Kabbala, the ancient mystical tradition. \t The truth is – and I tremble as I write these words -- the Malibu coast, famed for sunshine and sparkling blue water, is actually a place of metaphysical evil. We learn this from Zephaniah, Chapter 2, Verse 5: "Woe to the inhabitants of the seacoast … land of the Philistines." We know that Malibu is the home of the Philistines, because of the high number of local residents who work in the entertainment industry.   \t In our ignorance, Californians have wrongly criticized Malibu residents for being piggish and exclusionary. Like blind people, we have excoriated the selflessness of home owners—such as David Geffen and Barbara Streisand—who have attempted to keep non-Malibuans from accessing the coast, or even parking their cars in the city. May Heaven forgive our ingratitude! Malibu residents are simply shielding us from the bad magic of an accursed sea coast. (The pious are advised to spit three times, at the very mention of the place.) So conscientious are the Kabbalists of Malibu, in fact, that they have been known to chase away self-described "swimmers" who are "legally" enjoying what they naively refer to as "public" waters, especially those of Broad Beach, where rent-a-cops on Four-Runners keep the masses at bay. And to think that some of these so-called "by-right bathers" actually complain, mind you, about the "harassment" they receive at the hands at the blessed guardians of Malibu's private beaches! As my dad used to say, "no good deed goes unpunished."    When the state wildlife service brings its bulldozers to Malibu lagoon this month, nothing less than a cataclysm could be the result. Remember those billboards last year that publicized the end of the world on particular dates? Those were the originally scheduled start dates for the lagoon work! Just let that sink in for a minute. The Kabbalistic message is clear: Stay away from Malibu, you sheepish masses! It's bad for you. Trust me on this one, OK? One last thing: Every person who reads this article and has access to social media should tweet about it. This act will ensure good health and prosperity for the rest of your life. A 49-year-old school teacher in Michigan who tweeted an earlier article of mine on this very website won $7 million from the state lottery shortly after. If you fail to tweet this article, unfortunately, things just might go badly for you. I don't want to say any more. Like I said, trust me. Have I ever lied to you?

Just as new policies are arising in California to wean Californians off their cars, a force more powerful than public policy has arisen to get the next generation all amped up about driving. No, gas prices haven't plummeted and high speed rail isn't dead (yet). Those would be child's play compared to Cars Land -- the newest "world" at Disney's California Adventure theme park.  Forget the old Autopia ride, which was basically a string of glorified golf carts putting down a track. According to its website, Cars Land re-creates seemingly the entire landscape of the American West and sends cartoony roadsters bounding over ravines and along canyon walls. Kids can scamper among jalopies, jeeps, and low-riders, and then have a milkshake at a roadside diner. It may remind you of a movie you've seen. It was called Cars.  I spend enough time bounding over nothing while I'm idle on the 10 Freeway, so I don't think I'll be engaging in this particular fantasy. But I have a feeling that millions of kids have other ideas. They're going to clamber aboard and experience a thrill unlike anything they've ever experienced before. Unless they've ever ridden in a real car before.  Cars Land could make driving cool in a way that we haven't seen since James Dean. Well, OK, Paul Newman. Maybe Steve McQueen. Or Burt Reynolds. And David Hasslehoff. And Dale, Jr. Hey Girl , Ryan Gosling grabs a mean gearshift too.  Oh, never mind.  Given that cars have been cool for the past 100 years or so, I guess Cars Land isn't going to leave any impressions that aren't already there. In fact, given Disney's track record with Americana, Cars Land, which opens June 15, might actually herald good things for the real California.  Disneyland inspired lot of interesting 1980s urban theory, which celebrated the eerie unreality of the place. Fresh off Space Mountain (and who knows what else), Jean Beaudrillard theorized that Disneyland created a copy of the real world--and yet, is also in the real world. Disneyland is a place and the idea of a place all at once. I, for one, never bought into this notion of hyper-reality, which Bauldrillard refers to as "simulacrum," meaning a copy without an original. I have never for a moment believed I was in anything other than an enormous diorama.  (California Adventure takes this idea to a new extreme, by re-creating famous sites in California, as if visitors couldn't just visit the actual sites themselves. It even includes replicas of old Los Angeles landmarks, including the Carthay Circle movie theater and the streamline modern masterpiece Pan Pacific Auditorium. The thought of seeing buildings that really ought to still exist sounds, to me, more depressing than It's a Small World.) For those of us who can neither suspend our disbelief nor stomach too much poststructural theory, Disneyland as a magical place isn't so interesting. But Disneyland as an archeological site is another matter entirely.  With the possible exception of Fantasyland, each of the other five "lands" in the original Disneyland park--Adventure-, Tomorrow-, Frontier-, and Main Street, USA---was grounded in something resembling reality. Even Tomorrowland drew inspiration from the conquest of space during the Cold War.  Notably, this is archive of places we've lost, sometimes in tragically ironic ways. The rainforest is retreating and conquered the frontier. Fairy princesses have given way to Snookie and Khloe, and tomorrow has come and gone. Main Street, USA troubles me the most, since it celebrated the classic American main street at the very moment when small town life was giving way to suburban life (thanks, in part, to the car). The Happiest Place on Earth is, in short, a graveyard of American ideals.  There's an argument to be made that Disney actually contributed to the decline of main street America, by introducing mass-produced entertainment that degraded community life, but that's beside the point. What's more salient is that Disney may be on to something with its uncanny ability to predict, and create, nostalgia. I'm sure that at one point the demise of the frontier, the jungle, and manned space flight seemed preposterous. It could be that, in the near future, driving and automobiles will also lose their luster and that they'll be best enjoyed in amusements parks rather than on I-5 at rush hour.  If that's the case, then Cars Land may flip Baudrillard's simulacrum on its head: the real world might actually become better than the fake one.  Even in light of that rosy notion, I confess that I'm still not excited to visit Anaheim anytime soon. But I'm sure plenty of other people are. I wonder how they'll all get there?

While most of California's cities undergo the arduous wind-down of their redevelopment agencies, a handful of cities have been going about business as usual. For most of the cities that never had redevelopment agencies, business has been, and probably will continue to be, good. Redevelopment took root in economically disadvantaged places, so the likes of Beverly Hills, Rolling Hills Estates, and Sausalito are carrying on contentedly. Add to that rarified group the East Bay of Benicia and the south Los Angeles County city of Gardena. They are among the few cities in California that, by most accounts, should have had redevelopment agencies and yet did not. Though the demise of redevelopment has not necessarily been a blessing in disguise, those cities have nonetheless escaped the trauma that their peers are suffering.  "All the other cities in Solano County have redevelopment agencies, and it's extremely difficult dealing with it," said Benicia City Manager Brad Kilger, a former redevelopment manager who also serves on a League of California Cities post-redevelopment task force. "There are dozens and dozens of issues that need to be worked out on how you unwind these things." Though both Gardena and Benicia face economic challenges – Benicia has an outdated industrial park and Gardena's median annual household income of $45,599 is well less than that of the state as a whole – Kilger said that the benefits of his city's current situation are twofold. The city does not have to contend with what Kilger described as the administrative and logistical "debacle" that is the dissolution process. Moreover, the city will not have to part with full-time staff members whose salaries may have been funded by redevelopment, as they were in many other cities.  "Since we didn't have an RDA….our city wasn't heavily invested in personnel or other costs…..associated with RDAs, so we weren't really impacted by the changes recently," said Ward Madrono, Gardena's police chief and assistant community development director. "We are thankful that we have no liability because of the recent decisions." In that respect, the loss of redevelopment is yet another blow that has followed years' worth of fiscal constraints brought on by the recession.  "Given the turmoil that's created inside organizations who have been over the last 3-4 years dealing with downsizing…(dissolution) is like the last straw," said Kilger. "From that standpoint we do not have to contend with that and I see that as a major plus for us." Cities that have lost their redevelopment agencies are currently caught in a maelstrom of uncertainty as the Department of Finance deliberates on the validity of their Recognized Obligation Payment Schedules.  "We are thankful that we have no liability because of the recent decisions," said Madrono. Cities without redevelopment agencies might not be in strong shape, but their fate may be more predictable.   "We feel that we've probably hit bottom and, barring another major turnaround recession, that we'll be able to continue to deal with the need for cost reactions and such," said Kilger. "The cities with (former) redevelopment agencies…they don't know where the bottom is." The two cities missed out on the redevelopment trend -- which gained momentum in California following the 1978 passage of Proposition 13 -- for different reasons.  For decades, Benicia had funded development activities from its general fund surplus, created in part by the success of a mid-20th century era Benicia Industrial Park. But, with the industrial park in decline, Kilger said that, upon arrival in Benicia, he felt the city was ready to explore other options.  "When I came on board about a year ago, the infrastructure in the industrial park had deteriorated over the last 30-some years," said Kilger. "Before redevelopment had met its demise, I was thinking this is a prime community for redevelopment!" Madrono said that the city had not necessarily suffered for lack of redevelopment, except for having trouble assembling parcels.  "We're a built-out city for the most part," said Madrono. "Without having the funding of an RDA to do that ourselves we've been limited in our ability to do large-scale developments."  Gardena's failure to form a redevelopment agency was not for lack of trying. Rather, Gardena residents raised the common--if not necessarily substantiated--complaint that redevelopment would lead to rampant use of eminent domain. Redevelopment foes called for a voter referendum on redevelopment and won.  Madrono said that, had the issue come up again more recently, the vote might have yielded a different result.  "There was a lot of misinformation about it and maybe some lack of trust at the time," said Madrono. "If it was on the ballot now, there might be more trust in government…to move that forward."  As cities are now trying to devise their own home-grown economic development initiatives, Benicia and Gardena do not necessarily offer much by way of models. Benicia, with fewer than 30,000 people, thrived in large part because of the industrial park. Meanwhile, Gardena employed a range of administrative reforms in order to facilitate the development process.  "We've tried to develop a one-stop approach to economic development….identifying potential businesses that want to come here, through our hand-holding and pre-meetings," said Madrono. He added that the city has also tried to streamline the code-enforcement process.  Those practices, said Madrono, helped make Gardena a finalist for the honor of "Most Business-Friendly City" by the Los Angeles Economic Development Corp. last year.

Now that the age of Senate Bill 375 has arrived, transit-oriented development is poised to become not just a trend but indeed a common practice in California. But, as a typology, TOD is still unknown territory for many developers and planners. Just how to create appealing, equitable developments that actually achieve the goal of getting people out of their cars remains an inexact science. Thus, the Urban Land Institute's TOD Summit, to be held at USC this Thursday, June 7. Among the featured panels will be one on the impact of the loss of redevelopment on planned and dreamed-about transit oriented developments. This panel will be moderated by CP&DR's own Josh Stephens. For more information on the summit, please click below:   http://la.uli.org/event/tod-summit-2012/

In the wake of a court ruling to deny a temporary restraining order against the June 1 disbursement of property tax funds, KCRW Santa Monica's venerable public affairs show "Which Way L.A.?" included a segment on the ongoing fallout from the death of redevelopment. CP&DR editor Josh Stephens participated in the discussion, along with host Warren Olney and Irvine City Council Member Larry Agran, who explained the impact of redevelopment on plans for Irvine's Great Park. Tune into the podcast, recorded Thursday, May 31, by clicking below:  http://www.kcrw.com/news/programs/ww/ww120531redevelopment_funds_

How do cities create a thriving urban fabric on large lots?  How do you build large developments to fit within existing communities?  How can large developments contribute to neighborhood vitality rather than overshadow it? Such was the theme of "Large: Designing for Density", the third installment of the Lunchtime Forum series held by San Francisco Urban Planning & Research (SPUR) last week.  In the hour-long forum, moderated by Anne Torney of Daniel Solomon Design, speakers from the public, non-profit, developer, and architectural worlds held forth on what they considered the essential elements for large residential design. More than just an esoteric discussion, the topic could prove to be important for cities that, in the coming years, will be conforming to Sustainable Communities Strategies and deciding what density ought to look like.  Joshua Switzky, representing the San Francisco Planning Department, compared large residential developments to UFOs landing in the midst of a city. He characterized zoning and design guidelines as the controls to rein in large-lot development that can otherwise "run amok".  While San Francisco adopted its first Urban Design element in 1972, it became clear over the proceeding decades that it didn't give enough guidance for large-lot development.  The Better Neighborhoods Program, launched in 2002, hopes to provide both citywide and neighborhood-specific design guidance for incorporating large-lot development into the urban fabric.  The tools Switzky listed for integrating large development are well known to most: re-establishing street-grid connections on super-blocks, requiring ground floor activity, syncopating building facades to create sight-line variations, and breaking up the massing of building frontages. Daniel Murphy, the president of Urban Green Devco LLC, next spoke on design for large-lot residential from the developer's point of view. Murphy drew most of his examples from the South-of-Market neighborhoods (South Beach, Bayside, Mission Bay) that have seen a shift from industrial/port activity to large-lot residential development over the last 25 years.   In the South Beach area, near the foot of the Bay Bridge, he extolled the variation in height and architectural styles of the existing large residential developments, the development of continuous urban streetwalls, and the proliferation of POPOS (privately-owned open space) as elements that soften large developments and tie the community together.  He also stressed that, in large residential developments, design trumps materials: successful urban places can be made on the cheap if they are built the right way. In the Mission Bay area, near the San Francisco Giants' waterfront ballpark, he held up the "framing" of streets with an appropriate ratio of street width to building height as a key for successful design.  He also complimented the developers' "respect for open space and heritage" by retaining houseboats in the Mission Bay inlet as well as providing easy waterfront access.  For those who have experienced the ghost town that Mission Bay often feels like when the Giants aren't in town, Murphy urged patience.  Large-lot residential developments, he said, need time to mature before they can be judged as successful urban spaces. In closing, Murphy urged the audience to "dream big", and not get bogged down in what he called the "blood sport" of neighborhood development politics.  He instead urged communities to let planners and developers do their jobs, which earned him an earful from neighborhood activists at the Q&A session following the forum. From the non-profit world, Raime Dare spoke in her capacity as president of the SF Community Housing Partnership and a senior project manager with Mercy Housing.  While the previous two speakers spoke mostly about the exteriors of large-lot residential developments, Dare instead focused on the design elements inside the building necessary to thriving communities.  Drawing on the 12-story, 136-unit Mercy Housing development for low-income and senior housing at 10th & Mission, Dare emphasized the need for varied spaces within the building itself. Lounges, play areas, event space, patios, youth centers, and day care were among the semi-public spaces needed to make large, high-density buildings successful.  Also stressed was the role that buildings can play in the framing of outdoor spaces, whether they are public or reserved for the use of residents. The final speaker was Glenn Rescalvo, principal-in-charge at Handel Architects, LLP.  Rescalvo portrayed increasing density as a boon to San Francisco, but one which requires additional attention paid to the challenges that a crowded city can bring.  While Rescalvo was more inclined to judge each building individually for its merit, he stressed the importance of increased pedestrian infrastructure and open space as a counter-balance to an increasingly dense city.  He highlighted three downtown open spaces in close proximity: Yerba Buena Gardens, the Crocker Galleria, and the plaza at 555 Mission (with its interesting public art).  To Rescalvo, each open space provided different urban functions, which further contributed to the enjoyment of a denser city. When it came the buildings themselves, Rescalvo urged planners and residents to be less concerned with height than with bulk.  By allowed taller building heights (invoking shades of LeCorbusier), he said that building footprints could be reduced and more open space provided for public benefit.  Rescalvo characterized such an approach as "getting your sky back" by reducing building bulk; he eschewed "holding the height line" on buildings which would create an uninterrupted wall. While the forum was interesting and informative, I couldn't help but feel that its brevity left out major points in the discussion.  The focus of the forum was almost entirely on aspects of the buildings themselves, paying scant attention to the transition between large developments and the surrounding community.  It's telling that almost every example at the forum came from the historically industrial and commercial areas along the South-of-Market waterfront - these new residential communities were cut out of whole cloth and did not face the task of transitioning into a well-established residential neighborhood. Another issue unresolved by the forum was that of infrastructure: while Mr Rescalvo briefly mentioned the need for better and larger sidewalks, none of the other speakers mentioned what types of cumulative impacts denser residential development has on our streets.  Though not as pertinent to design, the demise of redevelopment in the state could have been another fertile topic for a forum on high-density residential housing.  Many large-lot residential projects across the state, especially those built for or incorporating low-income and senior housing, were made feasible through redevelopment funding.  The loss of such funding may play out in future project design as developers attempt to make things pencil out. Christopher Kidd was the founder and former writer of the LADOT Bike Blog.  He currently works as a planner at Alta Planning + Design in Berkeley.

Yesterday the Senate Budget Subcommittee 4 heard testimony from cities and other supporters of redevelopment in opposition to a bill that could limit the number of former redevelopment projects that receive funding under Assembly Bill 1X 26.  Released last week, the bill would make changes to the redevelopment dissolution statutes that would reduce the discretion of local oversight boards and expand the power of the Department of Finance, including granting it the ability to divert local sales and property taxes when it determines successor agencies have "improperly" transferred funds to other agencies or private parties.  "It's designed to provide additional clarification in terms of some of the actions associated with the dissolution of redevelopment agencies," said DOF spokesperson H.D. Palmer.   The DOF's proposal would direct all remaining affordable housing and other funds to benefit the state and empower DOF and county auditor-controllers with authority to resolve all matters of dispute involving Recognized Obligation Payment Schedules and enforceable obligations in favor of the state without regard to priorities set by local oversight boards. Though many have expressed concerns about AB 1X 26, the League of California Cities is leading the opposition against this new bill, which, League officials say, makes the dissolution process even harder on cities.  Palmer said, though, that the bill includes provisions that could benefit successor agencies. Many successor agencies have been concerned about obligations that might not get funded by the deadline of June 1 but that are still under investigation by DOF. The bill would ensure that monies would be available even if deliberations extend beyond June 1.  "There's an opportunity to catch up or recoup this amount if after June 1 we review additional evidence that the successor agency has provided...and that additional information that it was in fact an enforceable obligation," said Palmer.   The bill may complicate the progress of other bills intended to supplement AB 1X 26 and provide cities with new tools for promoting economic development and affordable housing. Those bills include AB 1585 (Pérez), SB 986 (Dutton), SB 1335 (Pavley), SB 1151 (Steinberg) and SB 1156 (Steinberg).  The bill is part of the larger budget package, which is scheduled to be approved on or around the deadline of June 15.  To read the current bill language, please click here (pdf).  DOF is in the process of posting all of its letters concerning successor agencies' ROPS's; they can be found on the DOF website here .  This post will be updated as this issue develops.

Update: Yesterday, Sacramento Superior Court Judge Timothy M. Frawley ruled against a group of cities seeking a temporary restraining order that would have effectively set aside funds for former redevelopment obligations that are still under review by the Department of Finance. Though the loss is considered a blow to cities that are trying to cover bonds and pay for former redevelopment projects, it is expected to be only the first of many such lawsuits.  Call it the spawn of Matasantos vs. California Redevelopment Association . As expected, the Department of Finance's rejection of hundreds of items for which successor agencies had requested funding has spurred a legal action. The first of what could be many lawsuits was filed last Tuesday by a coalition of nine cities.  A hearing is set for May 30 in Sacramento Superior Court. The suit calls for a temporary restraining order that would prevent the state from disbursing tax increment funds to taxing entities and instead sequester those funds until the disputes are settled.  DOF has reportedly questioned a total of $350 million worth of payments towards projects and other obligations statewide in the recent rounds of ROPS requests. Those payments are just for this year; the total value of affected projects is much higher.  June 1 is the date on which the Department of Finance will release monies to cover successor agencies' approved obligations. The suit is intended to compel DOF to loosen its purse strings before that date rather than to effectively kill projects, in some cases, put successor agencies at risk of defaulting on bond payments. Many successor agency officials are anxious because, although they intend to re-submit their Recognized Obligations Payment Schedules, DOF's final decisions are still uncertain.   In City of Palmdale, et al vs. Ana Matosantos, et al, t he nine cities are asking a judge to issue a writ of mandate to require the June 1 payment to the successor agencies, a temporary restraining order prohibiting the distribution of the funds to the taxing entities while the amount of the payment to the successor agencies is in dispute, and declaratory relief resolving the disputed issues. "The City and the Successor Agency understand and want to fully comply with the obligations of the Successor Agency under the law. Based upon the continued uncertainty caused by the State Department of Finance's lack of clear guidance, the looming June 1, 2012 payment date and the critical importance of this issue, we felt we had no choice but to join the other similarly situated cities in taking this action," said Mayor Andrew Weissman, who also serves as chair of the Culver City Successor Agency, in a statement. DOF maintains that it is faithfully executing Assembly Bill 1X 26. He noted that the department sent letters to all successor agencies throughout the state on March 2 in order to give them notice of what the ROPS process would entail.  "I think the authority given to Finance under the law as affirmed by the Sup Court is fairly clear," said DOF spokesperson H.D. Palmer. "As for the issue of timing, we have been nothing if not forward-leaning in terms of providing as much early notification as possible." The far, the suit includes mainly Southern California cities: Pasadena, Glendale, Palmdale, Huntington Beach, Imperial Beach, Inglewood, National City, Hayward, and Culver City. Others, including Ojai, have indicated that they may join the suit.

Several weeks after I wrote what could be described as emotion-driven defenses of California's approach to smart growth (in response to separate commentaries by Wendell Cox and Joel Kotkin), I was heartened to read a  different, but complementary, perspective  from Christopher B. Leinberger in this weekend's  New York Times . It would appear that, when you run the numbers, smart growth might make sense after all.  Leinberger led a Brookings Institution study with the delightfully rock-n'-roll title  "Walk This Way: The Economic Promise of Walkable Places in Metropolitan Washington, D.C."  which compared changes in housing prices in walkable neighborhoods as compared to suburban neighborhoods. Setting aside the subjective nature of "walkable" and "suburban," Leinberger found  "real estate values increase as neighborhoods became more walkable, where everyday needs, including working, can be met by walking, transit or biking." Leinberger cites places like Columbus, Ohio's, Short North neighobrhood and Washington, DC's, West End, where real estate prices have risen 163% and 205%, respectively, since 1996. In the same time period, prices comparable suburban areas have risen only 69% in the DC study area and  negative  13% in the Columbus study area.  Lest these trends reflect residents' native incomes more than their lifestyle preferences, Leinberger notes that "People who live in more walkable places tend to earn more, but they also tend to pay a higher percentage of their income for housing." This means that the walkable areas are more dear--and, by extrapolation, more desirable--on both an absolute and relative scale.  As we all know, real estate economics is an inexact science. The consumer trends are invisible swells that rise from the abyssal plains of culture, demographics, and economics.  We can't just go to the house store and see which ones are flying off the shelves. Instead, we have to look at the prices of existing stock and infer that increases in prices correlate with increases in aggregate demand, and we need lots of data. Leinberger thinks that the data is reaching a critical mass.  "Walk this Way" offers the following conclusion, signaling nothing short of the biggest shift in urbanism since, arguably, the late 1940s:  "While U.S. home values dropped steadily between 2008 and 2011, distant suburbs experienced the starkest price decreases while more close-in neighborhoods either held steady or in some cases saw price increases. This distinction in housing proximity is particularly important since it appears that the United States may be at the beginning of a structural real estate market shift. Emerging evidence points to a preference for mixed-use, compact, amenity-rich, transit-accessible neighborhoods or walkable places." In other words, we have entered a new era.  Though the bulk of the Brookings study focused on the Washington, DC, metro area, Leinberger writes that "these findings appear to apply to much of the rest of the country." Could that mean California, too? I don't see why not.  This analysis means that, whatever your aesthetic objections to smart growth may be, it might actually turn out to be a good investment for California. If the Brookings results are right, then California's Sustainable Communities Strategies are directing growth towards the very places were demand is likely to be higher.  My visceral take on smart growth is that it's good for everybody. If you like dense urban living, then now you get more of it. If you enjoy the wide-open suburban lifestyle, then you're in luck too: growth is going to happen in the places were you aren't.  In defending SCS's against some recent criticism ( here and here ), I noted some contradictions and some leaps in logic, and I corrected some inaccuracies and what I considered to be willful disregard for facts. From all the articles I've written on the subject, I know firsthand that countless people have been working very hard on California's Sustainable Communities Strategies, from which tens of millions of us will--hopefully--benefit.  Critics can, and should, say what they want. But, while California's planners should take pride in being ahead of the curve, they should bear in mind one caveat, though: we can't let nonsensical critiques drown out those that might be legitimate. Of course the SCS's aren't perfect. No less an authority than the state attorney general has said so -- and CP&DR has  reported  accordingly. Critiques such as Harris' should set up sensible discussions about how to implement SCS's and address nuances. It's hard not be frustrated, however, by "us vs. them" rivalries based on what appeared to be visceral, aesthetic objections that do not advance the public discourse or make California a better place.  As California grows more dense, the Brookings study should remind planners and developers to pay attention not just to the difference between walkabilty and mere density. You have have dense slums and dense hotspots, and you can have friendly single-family home neighborhoods and indifferent multifamily neighborhoods. It's all in how you design them and in what mix of uses you include.  If we can all get behind smart growth and clamor for it to be done well--which isn't going away now that it's the law of the land--then we can make sure that the less convincing critiques become self-defeating prophecies.

VENICE, Italy — I felt a sense of dread the moment I stepped off the train: that imprisoning feeling of being in the wrong place, with nowhere else to go. Of the 17 million people who visit Venice every year, I needed only an instant to realize that I did not want to be one of them.  I first visited Phoenix probably 30 years ago. Now that I've been to Venice, I figure I've probably beheld the extremes of human cohabitation. It's just barely a coincidence that the latter will, one day, sink beneath the waves while the former will, probably around the same time, run dry and give itself up to the desert. The remaining shell of Venice can still reveal a great deal about what cities are and what they can turn into. Even as we digitize, reconstitute, and reproduce just about every other form of expression and commerce, a true, linear history can still be read in these old stones, from upstart to empire to backwater and now a tourist attraction. Venice floats in the Po delta like Miss Havisham among her jewels.  Venice is thrilling, of course. You can hardly stop walking because, with every turn, intersection, bridge, and partial view, you imagine what visual gem lurks around the next corner. One moment you're in a deserted alley that wouldn't fit a Mini Cooper. As an urbanist, visiting Venice is like dating a knockout with whom you are simply not in love. Behind the physical beauty – of the sort that professional planning could never yield in a million years – I see regret.  That the charms of density are on display here goes without saying. Venice has the strongest sense of place of any city on the planet. But distinctiveness does not equal placefulness. But it's not a functional density. Yes, the buildings are set close together and the avenues—for foot and paddle—are narrow. You can imagine the activity that would have coursed through them 700 years when Venetian commerce dominated the known world.  Venice too used to trade goods with the ends of the earth, and it had a good run. One of the best. It built ships like Pittsburgh used to produce steel. Its Arsenal was the original arsenal, forging cannons, shot, and rope.  Now it just sits here, watching the tides.  You can imagine the energy that must have coursed through its alleys and exploded in its piazzas. Each business deal was like a moonshot, hauling spice and metal back from unseen lands—or sending young men there in the name of holiness. Every moment offered a chance to make a deal and then to spend the proceeds on another bauble, be it a Rococo palace or some extra filigree for your balcony. In a city with no dry land to spare, the details matter.  But they're all gone now. Today's Venice is what happens when creative class stops being creative.  At night most of the windows are dark and tourist wander like ghosts through this quiet city. My best moment here was sitting at a coffee shop at 8am watching locals go by: elderly men in oversize sweaters and tweed, women with briefcases, kids going to school. They still build ships here, hidden from view. And yet, every single business that I have seen exists only to serve tourists. The restaurants all serve the same dishes. The trinket stores all sell the same trinkets. And there are hundreds of each of them: each an endearing copy of the others. I am the reason why they turn their ovens on each night.  I have my quarrels with Joel Kotkin , but I agree that becoming a "boutique city" is one of the worst things a city can become. California has its share of them: Santa Monica, San Francisco, Laguna Beach, and, arguably, Venice Beach rank among the most notable offenders. Venice, Italy, became one a long time ago. Some 200 years ago, following Napoleon's conquest, Venice's traditional merchant and solider-of-fortune economy was disrupted, leaving only the lavishness that those profits bought.  It's safe to trace Venice's official death to The Stones of Venice, in which John Ruskin ruminated on the connection between architecture and morality, finding in particular that Venice's slow evolution towards the Baroque presaged its downfall. That was, notably, at the time when England had invented industry—or, rather, reinvented it, long after the Venetians had come close to developing a the assembly line method for shipbuilding. How else to produce one galley per day? Today, Venice has not so much decayed as it has been frozen.  You can still visit a million cities and still believe that their best days are ahead of them. And you can believe that you can be a part of them. That goes as much for historical giants like Paris and London as it does for upstarts like Dubai and Bangalore. For all of the United States' challenges, it applies to nearly every American city.  Taken to extremes, the smart growth movement would have all cities resemble Venice. We know that's not going to happen. But, as American, and especially Californian, cities rebuilt themselves, it's important to bear in mind the relationship between density and vibrancy. We probably don't need any more office parks, but we don't want places that are too cute or too inflexible either.  Even when California gets me down, I drive to the ocean and look towards the horizon. There's nothing like the expanse of the Pacific to stir the soul. I know that Venice once felt the same way when it looked out at the world.  A version of this essay appeared on Next American City .

The trials of Sisyphus are apt metaphors for that moment in the California Environmental Quality Act review process wherein parties believe they have reached the summit but in fact discover themselves at the bottom of the hill, only to repeat their past efforts. A recent decision involving a determination of infeasibility by California State University at San Diego, which, after the Supreme Court issued its decision in City of Marina v. Board of Trustees of California State (2006) 39 Cal.4th 341 (see CP&DR Legal Digest August 2006 ), was directed to set aside an earlier environmental impact report and to revise it consistent with Marina.  The second time around, the university rejected offsite traffic mitigation on the basis that the legislature refused to appropriate money for that purpose. On the basis that the university was required to adopt all feasible mitigation measures, SDSU's rejection for lack of appropriation was held to be insufficient, thus sending the university back up the CEQA hill again. The case involves SDSU's adoption of a new master plan, which would provide for significant increase in student enrollment (from 25,000 full time students to 35,000, in addition to related facilities), and as a consequence, increased traffic and student use of transit. Following certification of the revised, post-Marina EIR, the City of San Diego, the Redevelopment Agency, and San Diego Metropolitan Transit System all filed petitions for writs of mandate challenging the approvals.  One of the key issues in the litigation was the university's finding of infeasibility as it related to offsite traffic impacts. The findings concluded that certain offsite facilities were the responsibility of the city and as no agreement had been reached with the city, CSU found that there was no certainty of mitigation. The EIR concluded that the impact would be significant and unavoidable. The approval documents also directed the university chancellor to seek additional funding from the state legislature for offsite traffic mitigation. The findings also concluded that as legislative funding was uncertain, that mitigation was not assured and that the impacts would remain significant and unavoidable.  The ensuing litigation centered on the effect and import of the California Supreme Court's decision in Marina , which recognized that, in certain circumstances, the ability of a state agency to implement a particular mitigation strategy may be subject to legislative appropriation. Ultimately, the appellate court in this case concluded that the matter of legislative appropriation was not the end of the analysis, as nothing precluded CSU from utilizing non-legislatively appropriated funds to fund the offsite mitigation ("For example, we presume a campus of CSU (e.g., SDSU) may receive revenues or other funds from a myriad of sources (e.g., tuition, student fees, revenue bonds, parking fees, and private donations).  Furthermore, in the context of the case, SDSU presumably will receive additional revenues from project-related sources (e.g., rent from Adobe Falls faculty and student housing, revenue from guests of the Alvarado hotel, fees charged to residents of the Project's new dormitories and/or other student housing, revenue from the new campus conference center, and revenue from the expanded and renovated student union)."  Thus, it would appear that, for publicly sponsored projects, this case stands to require a near-endless examination of funding options. The opponents also challenged the alternatives analysis, arguing that the lead agency should have evaluated onsite operational changes which could have reduced or avoided the unmitigated impacts. The appellate court agreed with this argument. It is noteworthy that the appellate court did not find that the range of alternatives studied in the EIR was not a "reasonable range" designed to promote informed decision-making, but the appellate court only concluded that one or more additional onsite alternatives should have been studied.  (Comment: As to this issue, it appears that the appellate court deviated from the accepted standard of review of EIR alternatives. Applying the substantial evidence test, the appellate court did agree that CSU did calculate the amount of the fair fee correctly.) The appellate court also agreed with the opponents that the EIR included improper deferred traffic mitigation. The text provided, ""SDSU shall develop a campus Transportation Demand Management ('TDM') program to be implemented not later than the commencement of the 2012/2013 academic year. The TDM program shall be developed in consultation with and and shall facilitate a balanced approach to mobility, with the ultimate goal of reducing vehicle trips to campus in favor of alternate modes of travel." (Italics in the original.)  The appellate court concluded that this language did not rise to the required commitment to mitigate found necessary in cases like Communities for a Better Environment v. City of Richmond  (see CP&DR Legal Digest May 2010 ) and Defend the Bay v. City of Irvine (see CP&DR Legal Digest Aug. 2004 ). The appellate court also agreed that the EIR failed to evaluate the impact of the project on transit system operations. The system operator submitted comments questioning the ability of the transit system to absorb the future student school trips assumed to be provided by the system without further transit system expansion. The fact that CEQA's Appendix G does not list transit does not mean that transit-related impacts are exempt from CEQA evaluation. The court further reminded lead agencies that the duty to investigate and analyze falls to the lead agency, not to the agency whose service capabilities may be adversely impacted.  The Case:  City of San Diego v. Board of Trustees of the California State University (2011) 201 Cal.App.4th 1134. Filed Dec. 13, 2011.  William W. Abbott is a partner in the Sacramento law firm of Abbott & Kindermann, LLP.

Muting one of the more burdensome requirements of the Subdivision Map Act, the First Appellate has ruled in favor of "multiple sequential adjustments" in Sierra Club v. Napa County Board of Supervisors. In 1991, the California Legislature amended the Subdivision Map Act to restrict the use of boundary line adjustments by limiting their use to four or fewer adjacent parcels. While intended to deal with the reconfiguration of large ranches without going through the subdivision process, the 1991 amendment made the process of making minor technical adjustments between contiguous parcels more cumbersome then what was necessary. Local governments and engineers developed different strategies for working around the amendments. One of those was processing multiple sequential adjustments. Napa County addressed this issue in 2009 when the Board of Supervisors adopted an amendment to its code permitting sequential processing of lot line adjustments where the same parcels were involved, in circumstances in which the prior adjustment was approved and recorded. The County also concluded that such adjustments would be categorically exempt from CEQA. The Sierra Club filed suit, alleging that this policy was inconsistent with the Subdivision Map Act and a violation of CEQA. As the litigation moved forward, the county agreed to an extension of the time period for the preparation of the administrative record. The county then filed a demurrer, arguing that the petitioner had failed to serve a summons within the 90 days required by the Subdivision Map Act. The trial court rejected the demurrer on the grounds that the county's grant of an extension constituted a general appearance. The trial court then ruled in favor of the county. The Sierra Club appealed. Addressing first the county's statute of limitations defense, the appellate court affirmed the lower court ruling that the lawsuit was filed in a timely manner, concluding that the general appearance satisfied the service of summons requirement.  Turning to the merits, the appellate court concluded that the multiple sequential processing was not an "end around" of the Map Act. Relying in part on the legislative history, the appellate court, in examining the adopted language, disagreed with the Sierra Club's argument that the legislature intended to ban later adjustments of the same parcels. The appellate court also affirmed the county's conclusion that such adjustments were ministerial, and therefore not subject to CEQA.  Building upon earlier cases, the court concluded that although the county may enjoy some elements of discretion when processing a lot line adjustment, the discretion which could be exercised to shape the proposal was not sufficiently meaningful to justify the application of CEQA. The Case:  Sierra Club v. Napa County Board of Supervisors (April 20, 2012, A130980) ___Cal.App.4th ___. The Attorneys:  For the Appellant Sierra Club: Block, DeVincenzi & Zelazny, Kevin P. Block  Counsel for Respondents Napa County:  Robert Westmeyer, County Counsel; Laura J. Anderson, Deputy County Counsel; Miller Starr Regalia, Arthur F. Coon